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Herrera declined to comment. His spokesman, Matt Dorsey, said: “The city attorney and mayor are professionals and dedicated public servants. They’ll work to gether just fine.”

Chiu declined to address Pak’s post-election threats, saying it would be beneath him.

“I’ve worked very hard in my first three years to deliver results,” Chiu said. “I think my constituents appreciate that I’m my own man and have always put first the needs of my district and San Francisco.”

As Lee now prepares to roll out the agenda for his first full term, observers are waiting to see whether Brown and Pak will influence the administration’s policy making.

Pak has been pushing supervisors to support a luxury condominium project at 8 Washington Street, on the Embarcadero waterfront. The project developer is a close friend of Brown’s, and several of Brown’s political associates are working as lobbyists for the project.

There is also the issue of business tax reform, a top priority for Ron Conway, a prominent tech investor and Lee supporter who has argued that the city’s existing tax code stifles innovation and growth, as well as for other tech industry leaders and the local Chamber of Commerce. And to achieve cost savings in the coming budget process, Lee may have to reopen difficult contract negotiations with the Police and Fire Departments, two unions that supported his election.

Lee must also make an appointment soon to replace Ross Mirkarimi, the sheriff-elect, as District 5 Supervisor. Current top contenders include a planning commissioner and a staff member in Lee’s office of housing. Brown, who writes a weekly column in The San Francisco Chronicle, wrote recently that “so far the leading candidate appears to be ‘none of the above.’”

Supervisor John Avalos, who finished second in the mayor’s race and is running for re-election in his district next year, said he believed that Lee was being pressured by Brown and Pak to pick a candidate to unseat him as well. “But I don’t think that’s his style,” Avalos said. “I’m very Zen about it all.”

“There are people who have expectations of him,” Avalos added. “He has to decide how much he’ll fulfill their agenda rather than one that comes from his roots being a civil rights lawyer.”

Lee’s representatives did not return calls seeking comment.

The mayor, who worked as a tenants’ rights activist before entering city government, has received a lot of assistance from his benefactors. During the election, Brown helped assemble an array of interest groups — from the Police and Fire Department unions to the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce to some of the biggest names in Silicon Valley’s technology industry — into independent political action committees that spent hundreds of thousands of dollars to support Lee’s candidacy. And Pak got dozens of Chinese business owners to donate to these PACs as well as to Lee’s campaign.

As the votes were tallied on Nov. 8, Brown and Conway gave the lavish party for Lee at the Palace Hotel, a gathering that outshone the mayor’s official campaign event, a relatively modest affair at a South Beach restaurant.

By 10 p.m., most of Lee’s campaign, including the candidate, had decamped for the Palace, where the party was in full swing. Brown and Pak greeted guests at the entrance of the Garden Court. Conway worked the room and occasionally bounded onstage to confer with the entertainer M.C. Hammer, the D.J. for the night, about the music.

After making a brief victory speech, Lee was whisked out of the building. But Brown was quickly surrounded by television cameras and women who asked him to pose for pictures. He reveled in the political effort that culminated in Lee’s victory. “Everybody who participated in the Ed Lee campaign was invaluable,” Brown said with a smile.

This article also appears in the Bay Area edition of The New York Times.